Anzac Civil Religion? A Survey of the Australian Public on Their Interaction with Anzac
It is often argued that Anzac is the national civil religion of Australia. Existing research is based largely in cultural evidence sourced from memorials, services, newspapers, advertising, theatre, political speeches, attendance numbers, and public policy. In this article, survey data gathered in N...
Main Author: | |
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Format: | Electronic Article |
Language: | English |
Check availability: | HBZ Gateway |
Journals Online & Print: | |
Fernleihe: | Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste |
Published: |
Equinox Publ.
[2017]
|
In: |
Journal for the academic study of religion
Year: 2017, Volume: 30, Issue: 2, Pages: 144-164 |
Standardized Subjects / Keyword chains: | B
Great Britain, Australian and New Zealand Army Corps
/ Collective memory
/ Ritual
/ Civil religion
|
RelBib Classification: | AD Sociology of religion; religious policy KBS Australia; Oceania |
Further subjects: | B
Nationalism
B BELLAH, Robert Neelly, 1927-2013 B Narratives B Public history B Civil Religion B Anzac B Anzac Day B Tillich, Paul, 1886-1965 B Australia B POLITICAL oratory |
Online Access: |
Volltext (doi) |
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520 | |a It is often argued that Anzac is the national civil religion of Australia. Existing research is based largely in cultural evidence sourced from memorials, services, newspapers, advertising, theatre, political speeches, attendance numbers, and public policy. In this article, survey data gathered in New South Wales is presented in order to provide an additional perspective on the interactions between Australians and Anzac. From this particular set of data, four narratives of Anzac interaction are identified: the 'traditional' narrative, the 'carnivalesque' narrative, the 'passive participation' narrative, and the 'anti-Anzac' narrative. These narratives are analysed via a hybridised methodology employing the work of Robert N. Bellah (1988) on civil religion and Paul Tillich (1957) on ultimacy. This methodology analyses each narrative to identify a worship paradigm (if present) and the effect of the worship paradigm on individual ultimacy. Some of the four narratives adhere to the typology of civil religion, while others do not. The four narratives of this particular survey cohort display a varied interaction with Anzac. Anzac is both a point of sacrality and secularity, of inclusion and exclusion, with many of the feelings and experiences reported by respondents insufficiently described in existing research. While this survey does not pretend to be exhaustive or provide conclusive answers, it does provide a first look at what lies beneath the surface in the study of Anzac as a sacral entity. | ||
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STB | 0 | 0 | |a Histoire appliquée,Mémoire collective,Mémoire collective,Religion civile,Rituel,Rituel |
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STD | 0 | 0 | |a Memoria collettiva,Memoria collettiva,Public history,Public history,Religione civile,Rituale,Rituale |
STE | 0 | 0 | |a 仪式,公民宗教,国民宗教,集体回忆,集体记忆 |
STF | 0 | 0 | |a 儀式,公民宗教,國民宗教,公眾史學,集體回憶,集體記憶 |
STG | 0 | 0 | |a História pública,Memória coletiva,Memória coletiva,Religião civil,Ritual,Ritual |
STH | 0 | 0 | |a Гражданская религия,Коллективная память (мотив),Коллективная память,Публичная история,Ритуал (мотив),Ритуал |
STI | 0 | 0 | |a Αστική θρησκεία,Δημόσια ιστορία,Συλλογική μνήμη (μοτίβο),Συλλογική μνήμη,Τελετουργία (μοτίβο),Τελετουργία |
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SYE | 0 | 0 | |a ANZAC-Day |
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