Common Cause in the Culture Wars?
A significant body of legal academic writing produced in recent years has argued that one of the primary purposes of the First Amendment's Religion Clauses was to protect freedom of conscience. But in the two decades since the Supreme Court's decision in Employment Division v. Smith, a num...
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| Medienart: | Elektronisch Aufsatz |
| Sprache: | Englisch |
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| Veröffentlicht: |
2012
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| In: |
Journal of law and religion
Jahr: 2012, Band: 27, Heft: 2, Seiten: 231-271 |
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| 520 | |a A significant body of legal academic writing produced in recent years has argued that one of the primary purposes of the First Amendment's Religion Clauses was to protect freedom of conscience. But in the two decades since the Supreme Court's decision in Employment Division v. Smith, a number of commentators have suggested that freedom of conscience has lost its place as the focus of Free Exercise and Establishment Clause jurisprudence. Indeed, some have gone so far as to argue that protection for freedom of conscience has disappeared from the Free Exercise Clause almost entirely, leaving conduct that is motivated by a religious conscience without special constitutional protection. To be sure, some protection for freedom of conscience remains—but its constitutional source is often to be found outside of the Religion Clauses and its concern is often with non-religious activity.This evolution of doctrine has been extensively criticized by scholars of the Religion Clauses, many of whom view these developments as departures from original intent and from long-settled constitutional practice. Michael McConnell, Martha Nussbaum, and others have also advanced normative critiques, arguing that religious conscience is in many ways distinctive and merits distinctive constitutional solicitude under the Free Exercise Clause. At the same time, the Supreme Court's rejection of special privileges for religious claims of conscience has been welcomed by other scholars, some of whom have argued that preferential protection for religiously-motivated conduct is a form of unconstitutional discrimination. Two of the most prominent proponents of this position are Christopher Eisgruber and Lawrence Sager, who maintain that the Religion Clauses should be read to promote equal liberty rather than to provide special exemptions. | ||
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