Evangélicos e conservadorismo – afinidades eletivas: as novas configurações da democracia no Brasil = Evangelicals and conservatism –elective affinities: thenew configurations of democracy in Brazil

In this article we start from the hypothesis that the affinity that attracts evangelicals and conservatism is much more linked to the discursive conditions that engender subjects and their subjectivities, than the characteristics intrinsic to Christian theology or, specifically, evangelical pentecos...

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Autres titres:Evangelicals and conservatism –elective affinities: thenew configurations of democracy in Brazil
Auteurs: Junior, Paulo Gracino de Souza (Auteur) ; Souza, Carlos Henrique Pereira de (Auteur)
Type de support: Électronique Article
Langue:Portugais
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Publié: [publisher not identified] [2020]
Dans: Horizonte
Année: 2020, Volume: 18, Numéro: 57, Pages: 1188-1225
Sujets / Chaînes de mots-clés standardisés:B Brésil / Mouvement évangélique / Conservatisme / Politique / Prise d'influence
RelBib Classification:CG Christianisme et politique
CH Christianisme et société
KBR Amérique Latine
KDG Église libre
ZC Politique en général
Sujets non-standardisés:B Policy
B Conservadorismo pentecostal
B Pentecostal conservatism
B Política
B Neoliberalism
B Populismo
B Neoliberalismo
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Résumé:In this article we start from the hypothesis that the affinity that attracts evangelicals and conservatism is much more linked to the discursive conditions that engender subjects and their subjectivities, than the characteristics intrinsic to Christian theology or, specifically, evangelical pentecostal. By this we do not mean that specific theological formations did not give rise to regressive religious discourses, which most of us would classify as conservative. Thus, we call attention, both to the relational, positional character of the evangelical identities that engender the conservative discourse, and to the material basis of this discourse, linking, therefore, subjects and forms of subjection and subjectification. We are interested in the political forms in which the antagonisms articulated from the groups of evangelical identity will precipitate, as well as the dislocations in the material base of these subjects, which make it possible to engender atomized subjectivities that are refractory to collective solidarities exogenous to their community. We will defend that, although evangelicals have gained prominence in the public space due to reactive guidelines to the expansion of minority rights, such actions are not due solely to aspects intrinsic to Pentecostal theology, or to its alienating or irrational character, but mainly to the way position themselves in the national political game, or rather, as they were publicized, as well as the way in which the conservative discourse is triggered as a survival strategy in large cities.
Neste artigo partimos da hipótese de que a afinidade que atrai evangélicos e conservadorismo está muito mais ligada às condições discursivas que engendram os sujeitos e suas subjetividades, do que as características intrínsecas à teologia cristã ou, especificamente, evangélica pentecostal. Com isso não queremos dizer que conformações teológicas específicas não ensejaram discursos religiosos regressivos, que a maioria de nós classificaria como conservador. Assim, chamamos a atenção, tanto para o caráter relacional, posicional das identidades evangélicas, que engendram o discurso conservador, quanto para a base material deste discurso,ligando, portanto, sujeitos e formas de sujeição e subjetivação. Interessam-nos, as formas políticas em que se precipitarão os antagonismos articulados a partir dos grupos de identidade evangélica, bem como os deslocamentos na base material destes sujeitos, que possibilitam o engendramento de subjetividades atomizadas e refratárias a solidariedades coletivas exógenas a sua comunidade. Defenderemos que, embora evangélicos tenham ganhado relevo no espaço público por pautas reativas à ampliação de direitos de minorias, tais ações não se devem unicamente a aspectos intrínsecos à teologia pentecostal, ou ao seu caráter alienante ou irracional, mas, principalmente a forma como se posicionamno jogo político nacional, ou melhor, como se publicizaram, bem como a forma como o discurso de fundo conservador é acionado como estratégia de sobrevivência nas grandes cidades.
ISSN:2175-5841
Contient:Enthalten in: Horizonte
Persistent identifiers:DOI: 10.5752/P.2175-5841.2020v18n57p1188