The Nazis and their Conservative Alliance Partner in 1933: The Seizure of Power in a New Light
This article concentrates on the uneasy, tension‐ridden relationship between the Nazi Party and its alliance partner, the conservative DNVP (German National Peoples Party), during the Nazi seizure of power from 30 January to 14 July 1933, when Hitler declared the ‘revolution’ ended. While the DNVP a...
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| Format: | Electronic Article |
| Language: | English |
| Check availability: | HBZ Gateway |
| Journals Online & Print: | Drawer...
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| Fernleihe: | Fernleihe für die Fachinformationsdienste |
| Published: |
Taylor & Francis
2005
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| In: |
Totalitarian movements and political religions
Year: 2005, Volume: 6, Issue: 2, Pages: 213-241 |
| Online Access: |
Volltext (lizenzpflichtig) |
| Summary: | This article concentrates on the uneasy, tension‐ridden relationship between the Nazi Party and its alliance partner, the conservative DNVP (German National Peoples Party), during the Nazi seizure of power from 30 January to 14 July 1933, when Hitler declared the ‘revolution’ ended. While the DNVP and the Nazi Party had much in common, it is the conflict between the two, in particular the substance of Nazi attacks on the DNVP and its organisations, on which this article focuses. By attacking conservatives and their way of life with unrelenting vigour, the Nazis displayed a revolutionary fervour that was especially pronounced during the period of the actual seizure of power. In the same vein, the article investigates the Nazis’ endeavour to destroy traditional social hierarchies (often accompanied by violence), the ‘anti‐bourgeois’ thrust of Nazi propaganda, as well as the mindset that lay behind Nazi attacks on the conservative Bürger and his lifestyle. After the elections of 5 March 1933, the old bürgerliche order was openly disparaged by the Nazis, vigorously discredited and called into question with official sanction. The social and psychological consequences of the attack were immediate. Whether one refers to the resulting developments as a social revolution, like Ralf Dahrendorf or David Schoenbaum in the mid‐1960s, as a ‘verbal social revolution’, like Karl Dietrich Bracher, or as a process by which ‘the old elites were pushed aside’, like Thomas Nipperdey, the fact remains, as will be shown in this article, that a social restructuring and psychological revolution with respect to social class reached a high point during the Nazi seizure of power. Once broken, the remnants of the old elite willingly collaborated with the Nazis in power. |
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| ISSN: | 1743-9647 |
| Contains: | Enthalten in: Totalitarian movements and political religions
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| Persistent identifiers: | DOI: 10.1080/14690760500181586 |